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On these grounds I believe that a bi-national framework is crucial for any thought and discussion on the question of Palestine. The concept of "bi-nationalism" does not necessarily refer to the one-state solution, as it is commonly understood in the political discourse. Rather, it involves fundamental principle elements whose realization should be advanced by any political process: (a) national and civic equality between Jews and Arabs; and (b) reconciliation based on historical justice. Considered in this way, the concept of bi-nationalism does not describe a "solution," but rather serves as a crucial point of departure and perspective to direct the struggle towards democratization and de-colonization, based upon the recognition of both Palestinian and Jewish rights. Underlying this point of departure is the recognition that it is impossible to separate the discussion on the rights of the Jewish people from the discussion on the rights of the Palestinians.

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Separation and Bi-nationalism

Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin*
Jadal Issue no.10, June 2011
Mada al-Carmel

Separation and division

The principle of separation is the leading principle of the Israeli perception of "peace" and illustrates its intentions: not reconciliation based on equality and on historical justice, but an aspiration to get rid of the Occupied Territories, so as to get rid of the Palestinian Arabs in order to preserve the Jewish majority in the State of Israel, and thus restore the definition of the state as the state of the Jewish people.

However, the division is not between Jews and Arabs alone; it is also between Arabs and Arabs. Division would mean perpetuation of the separation between segments of the Palestinian people: between Palestinians in Israel and Palestinians in the Occupied Territories; between these two groups and the refugees; and between groups separated inside the Occupied Territories.

Palestinian nationalism

This system of divisions and separation expresses the fundamental aspect on which the definition of Israel as the state of the Jewish people is established: denial of the Palestinians as a nation. Israel "agrees" to grant second-class Israeli citizenship to Palestinians inside Israel and third-class Palestinian citizenship to residents of the Occupied Territories, with the condition that the Palestinian refugees and the Palestinian nation completely give up the right of return. As such, Israel refuses to recognize the rights of Palestinians as a nation. The Palestinians are required to forgo their nationalism, that is, their very sense of belonging to the land. They are granted limited rights only if they declare themselves strangers in their own homeland. This conception underlies the seemingly innocent formulation of "the Jewish nation-state." The denial of Palestinian nationalism is evident in the sweeping rejection of the right of return, which also affects the status of Palestinians within Palestine.

In light of this consequence, the recognition of Palestinians' rights as a nation should be seen as a precondition for any discussion of Israel/Palestine. In this context the concept of "nation" does not refer necessarily to a distinct identity, but should be seen as a category that defines rights, with belonging to the land as its focus. The lack of a comprehensive Palestinian national position undermines the basis for claiming rights and perpetuates the framework dictated by Israel, whereby the struggles of various Palestinian groups remain divided. Furthermore, recognition of Palestinian nationalism and national rights should be a condition for pursuing a profound and open discussion of the national rights of the Jews.

Bi-nationalism

Bi-nationalism is first of all a description of the reality already established by the Zionist regime–one obviously asymmetrical and colonial; it is the reality in which Jewish superiority is exercised in different ways upon geographically divided Palestinian groups. At the same time the concept also indicates the possibility of an alternative reality based on the principles of equality. Many of the participants in the current debate prefer to avoid the term "bi-nationalism." I think in doing so, they disregard fundamental features of the present reality.

I do not find the continuous attention to "models" (one state, two states) to be productive; in fact, it blurs fundamental questions. I believe that we must first articulate the principles to which a political process should aspire. Regardless, I do not think that it is possible to isolate the question of Palestine, and it should not be discussed independently, because the issue of Jewish national rights can only seriously be discussed within a general framework that includes the entire Arab world.

Rights of the Jews

This proposed framework requires us to ask the question that is almost never asked: what are the rights of the Jews in Palestine? We naturally focus on the rights of the Palestinians, since Palestinian rights are those that are constantly breached. However, another fundamental question for discussion is specifically about the collective rights of the Jewish people. The rights of the Palestinians are in fact self-evident and undeniable according to principles of justice and historical precedent. Therefore, it is precisely the rights of the Jews, currently based on a messianic interpretation of history, that shapes the ongoing process of Judaization and de-Arabization in Palestine; rights which are not obvious.

To recognize the rights of the Jews naturally means to limit their encroachment on the rights of others and to object to the Israeli demand for superiority and total control. The fundamental pre-requisite to the discussion of the rights of the Jews is recognition of Palestinian national rights, including the right of return. Once we take the recognition of Palestinian rights as a starting point, we can only then ask ourselves about the rights of the Jews for "self-determination," and for the recognition of a Jewish sovereign community in Palestine. Otherwise this recognition remains an empty declaration, and does not address the complexity of the situation.

The framework of the current political debate leaves room for only two extreme options: one, accepting Israel as it is, according to its current self-definition. This option is essentially assumed as a starting point for the "peace process." The second possibility is to completely ignore Israel, believing that it will somehow disappear. This latter approach is not different in principle from the Zionist denial of Palestinian nationalism. This framework aids in Israel's propaganda, which maintains that either one recognize Israel as it is, or one de-legitimizes the very existence of the Jews. We have to establish a space between these two extreme options. Otherwise, we inadvertently preserve the logic of the present discourse and fail to challenge Israeli exclusivity and claims of superiority.

I believe that the task now facing us as Jews who support Palestinian national claims is to generate a discourse towards equality in which we raise the question of the Jews' rights and request recognition of the right to self-determination. In order to make the recognition of the Palestinian right of return meaningful, we must direct our attention to reexamining the question of the Jews. These steps can form the basis for a process of de-colonization, which in the context of Israel/Palestine not only entails withdrawal, but also a process of significant change of Israeli consciousness.

The concept "bi-nationalism" raises extreme anxiety among Israelis: the idea of bi-nationalism, namely the idea of equal co-existence, is considered a denial of Israel's right to exist. This fact, itself, indicates that underlying the definition of Israel is the denial of the principle of equality. Most Israelis today refuse to even discuss Palestinian national rights. We must not underestimate the reality of their anxiety, which must be seriously addressed. But the only way for Israelis to deal with this anxiety is to address its sources: the suppression and denial of the Nakba. We, as Jewish Israelis, must accept responsibility for the Nakba as a precondition for joint discourse. Israelis should understand that the Palestinians are not those who need to give recognition to Jewish claims, but rather Israeli Jews must recognize Palestinian. There is no reason to expect that the Jews will forgo their excessive rights, unless they understand that taking this step is the only feasible option. Indeed, forgoing rights is surely the only way to save Israel from its belligerent rush to self-destruction, which is liable to bring disaster to the entire region.

It seems that on an essential level, this compromise is the only one not yet taken. There is of course a de-facto Palestinian recognition of Israel, but not a serious discussion on the question. They implicitly recognized Israeli superiority over the land in exchange for Israeli recognition of a limited autonomy in the Occupied Territories. The Palestinians were even demanded to give up their perception of history without any expectation that Israel replace its narrative, which absolutely ignores the history of the Palestinians and rejects any responsibility for their tragedy.

From the Palestinian perspective, recognition of equality is liable to be considered a compromise, since it means recognizing the equal rights of the colonizers. In fact, during the last decade, and within the framework of the Oslo process, the Palestinians have given up–explicitly or implicitly–most of their crucial national positions, and accepted much less than equality in exchange. But I believe this fundamental "compromise" is one that should be taken. It is precisely lack of recognition of Jewish rights that underlies the condition for demanding Palestinian self-denial located at the core of the "peace process." Recognizing bi-nationalism would provide a clear declaration of Palestinian sovereignty and a basis for a partnership that ensures Palestinian rights.

There are various ways to realize these principles. First, one has to remember that it is impossible to discuss the question of Palestine separately from regional politics; this discussion must be carried out within the framework of the region and of the Arab world as a whole. Bi-nationalism cannot be based on detaching the Palestinians from the Arab world, but rather on merging Israel within this world. This point suggests the complete context of the bi-nationalism framework.

*Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin is a senior lecturer in the Department of Jewish History and chair of the Department of Interdisciplinary Studies at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.