University of Haifa
University of Haifa - Post-Zionist Uri Bar-Joseph
(Dept of International Relations) Serves as Spin Doctor for the Ayatollahs
This is true for Iran as well. It as a second
rate power that is vulnerable to economic sanctions and military
intervention. Its leaders have proven that, unlike Hitler, who was a
compulsive gambler, they pursue a much more cautious foreign policy.
The international community (and the US in particular) has learned a
lot since it abandoned Czechoslovakia and failed to bomb Auschwitz.
The West is acting with growing intensity to
halt Iran – mainly to protect its own strategic interests – and most
experts believe the measures it is taking should be given more time
before other options are considered.
… Iran has already proven during the war with
Iraq that is willing to pay a heavy price of hundreds of thousands
of casualties to take its revenge on whoever attacked it. The tragic
irony is that an Israeli strike driven by the memory of the
Holocaust may eventually lead to an existential threat on Israel.
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4266127,00.html
We'll pay heavy price for mistake in Iran
Op-ed: Netanyahu's decision-making process based on outdated,
irrelevant lessons from Jewish, Israeli history
Uri Bar-Joseph
Published: 08.08.12
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made it clear
this week that any decision regarding a strike in Iran will be made
by the political echelon and will be executed by the military,
adding that if an inquiry commission is eventually established, he
will be held accountable.
It is hard to argue with such statements. Netanyahu is following
in the footsteps of President Truman, who placed a sign reading "The
Buck Stops Here" on his desk. In order to check how responsible
Netanyahu really is, we must examine the historic lessons on which
he will base such a dramatic and fateful decision: Nazi Germany;
Czechoslovakia, which was betrayed by Britain and France;
defenseless Jews; and allies who refused to bomb Auschwitz in order
to stop the annihilation machine.
This last example has been used by many, but the truth is that
since 1945 we have not seen any country with the horrible might of
Nazi Germany. In addition, the cruelty of rulers who committed
genocide cannot be compared to that of Adolf Hitler.
This is true for Iran as well. It as a second rate power that is
vulnerable to economic sanctions and military intervention. Its
leaders have proven that, unlike Hitler, who was a compulsive
gambler, they pursue a much more cautious foreign policy. The
international community (and the US in particular) has learned a lot
since it abandoned Czechoslovakia and failed to bomb Auschwitz.
The West is acting with growing intensity to halt Iran – mainly
to protect its own strategic interests – and most experts believe
the measures it is taking should be given more time before other
options are considered. Most importantly, as opposed to the
defenseless victims of the Holocaust, Israel is one of the strongest
countries in the world and possesses not only massive unconventional
force but impressive nuclear capabilities as well.
Netanyahu, the son of a
renowned historian, has yet to adopt historic analogies that are
more relevant to our times. There is no shortage of lessons he can
draw from Israel's own history, which all lead to one conclusion:
Israel's cautious and restrained use of force has always been
advantageous to the State's security, while using force in a
reckless manner eventually destabilized the country's security.
Tragic irony
Here are a few examples: In the crisis leading
up to the Six Day War, then-prime minister Levi Eshkol faced heavy
pressure from IDF General Staff officers who claimed that delaying
the war would give the Egyptian army more time to prepare in Sinai
and would result in more IDF casualties when an armed conflict does
break out.
Eshkol was in favor of accepting the American
demand to wait, so that during the war itself Israel would have the
US' support. Eventually Washington gave the go-ahead, and the
Egyptian army was defeated with relative ease despite the IDF
generals' predictions.
Eshkol's restraint contributed greatly to
Washington's decision not to pressure Israel into ceding the
territories it had conquered without a peace agreement. During the
1991 Gulf War, late Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir faced similar
pressure, and his restraint also paid off.
However, during the first Lebanon war, Begin,
Sharon and Rafael "Raful" Eitan were not satisfied with pushing the
terrorists away from the northern border and got Israel involved in
one of the most unnecessary wars in its history. The Second Lebanon
War provided a similar lesson. If Israel would have held its fire
after the first three days of fighting it would have avoided
numerous IDF casualties while still dealing a heavy blow to
Hezbollah.
It is difficult to tell whether Netanyahu has
internalized these lessons in any way or if he is taking them into
consideration while planning Israel's next moves vis-à-vis Iran –
probably not. The lesson of the Holocaust is so deeply entrenched in
our minds that there is no room left for other lessons which, while
not as dramatic, are more relevant.
The price of a possible mistake in Iran will be
heavy, almost unbearable. It was nice of Netanyahu to declare that
he will take responsibility (meaning that he will resign) in case a
commission of inquiry is set up, but to the hundreds of thousands of
people who may be harmed during a war that he is preaching for, it
won't be worth much.
Furthermore, most experts
have posited that a unilateral Israeli strike would allow Iran to
advance even faster and with fewer obstacles towards a bomb. The
final result of such a war would be a nuclear Iran that wants to
take its revenge on Israel. Iran has already proven during the war
with Iraq that is willing to pay a heavy price of hundreds of
thousands of casualties to take its revenge on whoever attacked it.
The tragic irony is that an Israeli strike driven by the memory of
the Holocaust may eventually lead to an existential threat on
Israel.
Uri Bar-Joseph is a professor at Haifa University's
International Relations Department
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